IN LINE 27, THE USE OF THE WORD COLOSSALTO DESCRIBEBEETHOVEN IMPLI...

11. In line 27, the use of the word colossalto describeBeethoven impliesa.no one really understands Beethoven’s musicb.Beethoven’s symphonies are often performedin coliseumsc. Beethoven was a large mand.Beethoven wrote music to his patrons’ orderse. Beethoven was a musical geniusThe following passages are excerpted from Abraham Lincoln’s two inaugural addresses. The first was given in 1861,before the Civil War began. The second was delivered in 1865 as the fighting between North (anti-slavery) and South(pro-slavery) raged. (1865 was the final year of the Civil War.)Passage 1One section of our country believes slavery is RIGHT, and ought to be extended, while the other believesit is WRONG, and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clauseof the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced,Lineperhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports(5)the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few breakover in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would be worse in both cases AFTER the sep-aration of the sections than BEFORE. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ulti-mately revived, without restriction, in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered,would not be surrendered at all by the other.Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other,(10)nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the pres-ence and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They can-not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Isit possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation thanbefore? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully(15)enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always; andwhen, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questionsas to terms of intercourse are again upon you.This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall growweary of the existing government, they can exercise their CONSTITUTIONAL right of amending it, or(20)their REVOLUTIONARY right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that manyworthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make norecommendation of amendments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole sub-ject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, under exist-ing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it.(25)I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments tooriginate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions orig-inated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they wouldPassage 2(35)Fellow countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occa-sion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a courseto be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public dec-larations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which stillabsorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The(40)progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; andit is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no predictionin regard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anx-iously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it—all sought to avert it. While the inaugural addresswas being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agentswere in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by(45)negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation sur-vive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union,but localized in the Southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew(50)that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interestwas the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war; while the governmentclaimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected forthe war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause ofthe conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier tri-umph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.(55)