3.6 EFFECTIVE FLOOD INSURANCE BEYOND THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF INSU...

2.3.6  Effective  Flood  Insurance  

Beyond the five principles of insurance developed by Swiss Re, for a flood insurance system to be

considered effective. i.e. be financially viable and economically efficient it must also overcome obstacles

that are specific to the insurance of flood risk. Flood risk, in common with other natural perils, is high

impact and very low probability and, as such, notoriously difficult to insure when compared to other more

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easily assessable property insurances such as fire

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. Botzen & Van Den Bergh (2008) describe four

main challenges.

The first challenge in designing an effective flood insurance system is to combat adverse selection.

This is the effect of a relatively small number of property owners who are at greater risk of flood taking

out flood insurance, or at least higher levels of flood insurance, than those who are less exposed to flood

risk. This would lead to a situation where overall insurance costs are spread over few policyholders and

individual premiums are consequently higher than if the risk community were broader. A situation of

adverse selection can result in a negative spiral of ever-increasing premiums as the risk community

shrinks thereby making it less attractive to join. Cherry-picking is a similar phenomenon but from the

side of the insurance companies (Crichton, 2003). It occurs when insurance companies choose only to

insure low risk customers leaving high-risk customers with fewer options as to where they can purchase

flood insurance. The likelihood, again, is of higher premiums for high risk policyholders since the risk

community they become part of will eventually be biased to those with high exposure. Both situations

are most likely to arise when flood insurance is not mandatory. A situation of adverse selection or

cherry-picking will reduce financial viability because the system will be more volatile if insured risks

are not balanced in the system as a whole or between competing insurance companies.

The second challenge arises from the fact that the probability of large-scale flooding is very low but has

a high and unknown economic impact. Often a lack of historical data of flood frequency and impact

makes it difficult for insurance companies to assess risk and calculate actuarially accurate premiums

that reflect individual risk. At both ends of the spectrum, both overly expensive or too cheap flood risk

premiums will lead to economic inefficiency in two ways. Premiums that are below true risk will mean

homeowners are not financially stimulated to avoid building in higher risk flood zones or taking out their

own flood protection measures. If premiums are too expensive, lower income communities will opt out of

flood insurance all together and can become a financial and social burden if they are unable to recover

quickly after a flood has taken place.

The third challenge stems from the fact that when flooding occurs, many properties in the same region

are likely to be affected at the same time - this is termed correlated risk. Correlated risks are more

difficult to calculate accurately when indirect losses are also included, for example a business charging

for lost working days. Any insurer - public or private - will not find it easy to know beforehand what the

limit of losses might be, using standard underwriting tools. In a worse case scenario, a single storm

could bankrupt any national flood insurance system and leave those who are insured with inadequate

compensation to rebuild what has been lost. Unless the government steps in with direct financial aid or

capital loans to prop up the insurance sector there is a risk that the sector will become insolvent and/or

withdraw future insurance.

The fourth challenge is political and institutional. In many countries the government often steps in to

offer financial compensation after a flood. This is to minimise social welfare and economic losses and is

driven by political pragmatism even if it is not considered an official duty of the state

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. A government is

                                                                                                               

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Fire insurance, for example, is a typical property insurance that is more commercially attractive service for insurance

companies to sell for two reasons. First, because it compensates a risk that differs from flood in that it is more predictable

and therefore an easier risk to assess. And second, it is a peril for which there is greater public awareness and, therefore,

demand (EP, 2013).

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In the most recent 2013 floods in Germany, despite the fact that private flood insurance is available the German

government has already committed to providing ad hoc financial compensation to flood victims (Guardian, 2013). There is a

strong political motive behind this decision. As in 2002, the floods occurred just ahead of national elections. This has led to

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unlikely to remain popular if it abandons the uninsured to rebuild their own lives without state aid. Free

market purists regard these kinds of public interventions as unwelcome market distortions. They find that

state compensation can crowd out private insurance if the public believe, rightly or wrongly, that the

state will pay compensation to those without sufficient flood insurance of their own. This problem is not

clear-cut, however. Government participation in flood compensation either directly or in the role of the

insurer of last resort is regarded by many as a recommended component of a multilevel insurance

system to cover losses that exceed the commercial capacity of the private insurance sector (Jongejan

and Barrieu (2008); Botzen & Van Den Bergh (2008); Paudel, 2012).